If Anton Chekov had been an Indian and this short-story of his had had its dramatic setting on an Indian Railways train, running through the countryside somewhere in post-Independence India, he would probabably have changed the title of the story to: “Oh! The Republic”! I shall explain why a little later below in this essay.
Chekov lived in the era when Communism was an idea whose time had not yet come but was just about to … The 1885 short-story when originally written was critically acclaimed as a trenchant commentary on how Czarist Russia was slowly headed towards social upheaval and the great, cataclysmic October Revolution of 1918.
The Chekhov story was a commentary on class tensions in Russian society. Chekhov was echoing elements of Marxist thought. While Chekhov himself was not overtly Marxist in his leanings, his stories did often explore the social and economic realities of late 19th-century Russia teetering on the cusp of the Communist Revolution that was just around the corner. The Class Struggle was slowly gathering storm in Russian society…
In “Oh, the Public!”, the character of Podtyagin, a ticket collector, represents the struggling Russian lower-middle class. The poor, invalid huddled passenger who refuses to show his travel-ticket on the train represents the “oppressed working class“. Podtyagin’s attempts to assert his authority and enforce the rules are met with resistance from the other wealthier fellow-passengers who step in to manipulate and intimidate him. This dynamic illustrates the Marxian power imbalance between the proletariat, the bourgeoisie and the State.
Scholarly critiques of Chekhov’s story have also pointed out its other fine nuances:
“The story touches on the theme of alienation, which is a key concept in Marxist theory. Podtyagin’s isolation and disconnection from the public, as well as his own internal conflict, reflect the ways in which capitalist societies can alienate individuals from their own humanity and from each other.
While Chekhov’s work is not a direct manifestation of Marxist ideology, “Oh, the Public!” does contain elements of social critique and commentary on class tensions, which were central concerns of Marxist thought“.
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The particular way above in which Chekov’s story is looked at represents the “soft view” of the victimhood paradigm. Here the social underdog is portrayed as the anti-hero who is being oppressed by the authority of the State… i.e. the train ticket-collector.
The same story however can be viewed altogether differently also i.e. from what might be today called as the “hard Right perspective“: The story illustrates how the public’s tendency to sympathize with those who claim to be victimized can potentially create social chaos and disorder.
In the story, the passengers on the train manipulate Podtyagin by playing the victim card, claiming that he is being too strict and unfair. This tactic ultimately leads to Podtyagin’s retreat. He becomes overwhelmed by the public’s pressure, throws up his hands … and returns to his old drinking ways: a status quo ante of despair.
The Chekhov story, from this ‘rightist‘ perspective, suggests therefore that when individuals are more concerned with avoiding blame and gaining sympathy than with taking responsibility for their actions, social norms and institutions can easily be broken down.
Thus, the short-story highlights the dangers of a culture that prioritizes victimhood over personal responsibility and respect for authority. By exploring this theme, Chekhov’s story remains remarkably relevant to all contemporary societies, where the politics of victimization can often be seen to thwart or defy public order and to undermine social cohesion and harmony…. well, yes, India today, for example.
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Chekhov employs a literary technique called allegory and symbolism to tell his story.
Both are literary devices to convey a deeper meaning beyond what the words on the page can say. Symbolism is a series of symbolic elements introduced into a story that make abstract ideas easier to understand. And allegory is a story, poem or dramatized narration wherein the characters portrayed happen to be mirror images of real life persons, entities or situations.
Now, if you were to take Chekhov’s short-story and contextualise it within today’s Indian political landscape, what will emerge is a perfect allegorical tale almost accurately mirroring political life in all of the Republic of India…. And that is precisely why one might say (cheekily, as I perhaps did in the very first para in this essay) that the change of title, from “Oh! The public” to “Oh! The Republic” would fit Chekhov’s story to a tee!
India’s democracy today may well be likened to one great huge bonfire of victim aggrievement of every conceivable stripe and sort. Into this raging bonfire gets thrown grievance, grouse, resentment, bitter complaint and discontent of large sections of society clamouring and competing with each other for rights and entitlements they feel they are denied. The denial gets projected as injustice and oppression. In effect and essence, that is exactly what victimhood is all about…
Victimhood fuels the great wheels of political life in India and keeps it rolling. If there were to be written no victimhood literature at all, there would be really no political discourse of any substance or signficance within Indian society.
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To return to the Chekhov short-story and relate it to the victimhood politics of India today….
The players on stage in the Great Indian Democracy are many indeed. They can be easily mapped on to and identified with the characters portrayed in the Chekhov story. Doing so helps us better understand victimhood dynamics in the Indian context.
To map the characters of the Chekhov story onto those of the Indian political stage, all that needs to be done is to list the dramatis personnae respectively as shown below. And then allegorically connect, match or simply pair one with the other. It’s really a simple but very revealing exercise.
DRAMATIC PERSONNAE in CHEKHOV’S STORY:
- Podtyagin, the beleagured ticket collector
- The poor, huddled and invalid passenger who plays victim and refuses to show his ticket
- The other passengers in the train — Chekhov calls them “the public” — who protest what they see to be Podtyagin’s overbearing attitude towards the invalid passenger
- The craven Stationmaster who persuades Podtyagin to walk away.
- The Engineer who chastises Podtyagin for the injustice he accuses him of doing unto the invalid passenger
- The Colonel who seconds the Engineer’s accusation.
- The invisible Traffic Manager (whom the Engineer and the Colonel threaten to go to if Podtyagin refuses to apologise to the invalid passenger).
DRAMATIC PERSONNAE in THE GREAT STAGE OF INDIAN DEMOCRACY:
- Podtyagin, the beleagured ticket-collector: the State or Goverment
- The poor, huddled and invalid passenger who plays victim and refuses to show his ticket: these could be any one of the following “victimised” or aggrieved communities of India: viz.: Minorities (Muslims); the Aryan Vs Dravidian/North Vs South race-divide theorists (Dravidianists); the Caste crusaders (Dalits and MBCs); the Farmers rights champions; the Naxalites (both peasantry and urban types) the “rainbow people” (LGBTQ); the gender-rights warriors (feminists and women’s rights NGOs); the “climate change/environmentalists“; animal rights activists; the Hindu temple-reclamation/restoration groups; the “go-rakshaks”, the “Marathi maanoos” warriors, the Indian defence forces’ retired pensioners … and so many more. The list could go on and on…
- The other passengers in the train — Chekhov calls them “the public“: these are Civil Society activists, “andolan jeevis” and NGOs
- The craven Stationmaster: The Judicial System of India
- The Engineer: The Press and Media
- The Colonel: The international human rights agencies (e.g. UNHRC et al)
- The invisible Traffic Manager: the Deep State (operating as the moral policeman of Western liberal-democrat globalists)
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If the dramatis personae above were to be transposed — i.e. mapping one with the other, like to like — in the Chekhov story, what would emerge is the present reality of Indian democracy with all its plaguing faults, warts and dysfunctions.
Here below is how perhaps Chekhov’s allegory might now read like with characters transposed:
After winning an election, the State (or government) resolves to exercise its authority and do the duty owed to all citizens. It sets out sincerely to carry out work honestly, heartily, conscientiously in enforcing the laws of the land and the Constitution… without fear… and on everyone equally and fairly without exception. [This is Podtyagin getting down to work as conscientious ticket-collector ]
The State (i.e. Podtyagin) takes a firm line against the protester (the victim) who now changes tack and starts invoking “universal human rights”…! [“I’ve travelled abroad, all over the place, and no one asked for my ticket there, but here you’re at it again and again, as though the devil were after you”]. So the State takes an even firmer, sterner position…. [“Well, you’d better go abroad again since you like it so much“]…. If you don’t like it here, and find everything there so dandy, why don’t you move to Pakistan?
The victim is now irate and starts abusing the Government …. [“As though it’s not enough killing the passengers with fumes and stuffiness and draughts, they want to strangle us with red tape, too!”]
This is when the State decides to act tough and threatens the victim of penal action under law…. [“Listen, sir!” cries Podtyagin, flaring up. “If you don’t leave off shouting and disturbing the public, I shall be obliged to put you out at the next station and to draw up a report on the incident!”]
The victim of India now acts as if incensed and lashes back at the Goverment, accusing it of persecution… [“Persecuting an invalid! Listen, and have some consideration!“]
By now, Civil Society activists, “andolan jeevis” and NGOs (the other fellow-passengers in the train i.e. Chekhov’s “public”) are stirring into action. They raise their voice against the State. [“This is revolting!” exclaims “the public,” growing indignant”].
Facing the ire of the civil-society activists and NGOs, the authority of the Government now begins to falter and cower. The State quickly backs away from confronting the victim…. [“But the gentleman himself was abusive!” says Podtyagin, a little scared. “Very well… I won’t take the ticket … as you like … Only, of course, as you know very well, it’s my duty to do so … Podtyagin shrugs his shoulders and walks away from the invalid”].
The State now is in a quandary over what to do next. It cannot let its authority be openly defied like this by the victim. And yet, at the same time, it cannot also appear in the public eye to be overzealous in enforcing the law. [” …. it was not my fault …They imagine I did it wantonly, idly. They don’t know that I’m bound in duty… ]
So, now the State decides to seek recourse to the Indian Justice System. [ “If they don’t believe it, I can bring the stationmaster to them.”]
The Government now approaches the Justice System and beseeches it to adjudicate between the allegorical ticket-collector and the free-loading passenger: [“This gentleman here,” Podtyagin begins, “declares that I have no right to ask for his ticket and… and is offended at it. I ask you, Mr. Stationmaster, to explain to him… Do I ask for tickets according to regulation or to please myself? Sir,” Podtyagin addresses the scraggy-looking man, “you can ask the stationmaster here if you don’t believe me.… You can ask the stationmaster… whether I have the right to demand your ticket or not.“]
Confronted in this manner by both the State and the Juristic Court, the victim now begins to scream even more shrilly over being victimised…. [“This is insufferable! Take your ticket … take it! I’ll pay for five extra if you’ll only let me die in peace! Have you never been ill yourself? Heartless people!”]
Just then another powerful and influential Civil Rights activist-NGO (let’s say the PUCL or some George Soros-funded outfit operating in India) swings into action and condemns the Government for extreme highhandedness: [“… This is simply persecution!“. A gentleman in military uniform grows indignant. “I can see no other explanation of this persistence.”]
The Justice System sensing the ugly mood of the victim and that of his newfound sympathisers amongst fellow-passengers, cautiously advises the State not to press the matter and to withdraw… [… “Drop it…” says the stationmaster, frowning and pulling Podtyagin away by the sleeve. Podtyagin shrugs his shoulders and slowly walks after the stationmaster”].
Such intense defiance shown by the victim towards even the great Justice System of India utterly demoralises the State…. and that leaves the allegorical Podtyagin lamenting…. [“There’s no pleasing them!” he thinks, bewildered. “It was for his sake I brought the stationmaster, that he might understand and be pacified, and he….. swears!”]
It is then that two other powerful entities converge upon and confront the Government rather aggressively. One is the domestic and international press and media network (say, networks like The Wire, The Hindu, The New Indian Express, India Today, and other global ones like like The Economist, The WSJ, NYT; not forgetting of course multinational TV and media networks like the BBC, CNN, Al Jazeera et al. And the other entity is an international body (a busybody, in fact), like the UNHRC (United Nations Human Rights Commission). The two of them glower at the State and threaten it with grave consequences if it did not redress and make amends for the gross abuse of the victim and for the violation of its fundamental human rights… […. two gentlemen go up to him, one in the uniform of an engineer, and the other in a military overcoat. “Look here, ticket-collector!” the engineer begins, addressing Podtyagin. “Your behaviour to that invalid passenger has revolted all who witnessed it. My name is Puzitsky; I am an engineer, and this gentleman is a colonel. If you do not apologise to the passenger, we shall make a complaint to the traffic manager, who is a friend of ours.”]
The menacing threat which the Media and the international Busybody deliver to the Government is that refusal to stop what has now become “gross human rights violations and abuse of power” will attract severe, punitive action of a political, diplomatic and economic kind: […. “We don’t want explanations. But we warn you, if you don’t apologise, we shall see justice done to him.“ ]
Such justice will be delivered by a great and all-powerful “traffic manager” of the global order (“who is a friend of ours”) … It’s the “Deep State” that operates throughout the world as the moral policeman of Western liberal-democrat hegemons.
The State resolve to enforce the law of the land is finally now totally worn down. The Government is intimidated. It is now ready to capitulate to the victim. [“Certainly I… I’ll apologise, of course… To be sure.” … Podtyagin waves his hand in despair, sighs, and walks out of the carriage. He goes to the attendants’ compartment, sits down at the table, exhausted…” ]
The victim is victorious. And the Republic of India is triumphant… […”Go away! You shall pay for such persecution. Get away!”]
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At the end of Chekhov’s short-story, we see a crestfallen Podtyagin but then because of the choice he makes — not to pursue the matter of tickets with the victimhood passenger on the train — he does succeed at least in keeping his job safe as a ticket-collector. That indeed is the final and happy outcome for Podtyagin. So, he goes back thus to his merry drinking ways… [… “Oh, the public! There’s no satisfying them! It’s no use working and doing one’s best! One’s driven to drinking and cursing it all … If you do nothing they’re angry; if you begin doing your duty, they’re angry too. There’s nothing for it but drink!“]
In Oh! the Republic of India, the allegorical story, the end is not all that different either.
The State suffers defeat after defeat at the hands of Victimhood politics of the country. So, it shrugs its shoulders in resignation and like Podtyagin tells itself: “There’s no satisfying them! It’s no use working and doing one’s best!” .. So, what then is the State’s own happy outcome from all this? Well… it still manages to cling to the seat of government until it’s time for the next general elections! And until then, like Podtyagin, the State too can keep itself happy with drink!
In Oh! the Republic, its best to just remain drunk on Power!
—- END—-
Sudarshan Madabushi